William L. Pierce
Teaching Americans to Hate and
Kill the Jews’ Enemies1
AMERICANS WHO did not actually live through the Second World War cannot imagine the pervasive atmosphere of hatred against Germans which the Jews managed to generate with their war propaganda. It began in 1933 – more than eight years before Pearl Harbor – with the aim of preparing the American people emotionally to wage war against Germany; it gained venom during the war years, inciting Americans to spare nothing in their effort to kill Germans; and it continued after the war, urging that no mercy be shown to the conquered.
Indeed, it continues to this day, in the never-ending stream of new “Holocaust” films and television features, as well as in the reruns of old war films. Nearly four decades after the end of the war the average American – especially one who spends much time before a television receiver – still has a mental image of Germans as arrogant, cruel, treacherous, and brutal – in a weak, contemptible sort of way, of course. While the Japanese have been rehabilitated in the controlled media, the Germans have not – because the latter, unlike the former, dared to raise their hands against the Jews.
During and immediately before the war, the anti-German propaganda was much more intense, vicious, and direct than it is now, however. A good example is a book by Theodore N. Kaufman, Germany Must Perish, which was widely distributed in the United States in the early 1940s.2 It set the tone by urging that the United States not only go to war against Germany but adopt the national goal of exterminating the entire German people, down to the last man, woman, and child. It was published when Germany and the United States were still at peace, although to the author that is a mere technicality, and he writes as though the two nations were already locked in a death struggle. He begins:
Today’s war is not a war against Adolf Hitler.
Nor is it a war against the Nazis.
It is a war of peoples against peoples; of civilized peoples envisioning Light, against uncivilizable barbarians who cherish Darkness….
It is a struggle between the German nation and humanity….
This war is being waged by the German People. It is they who are responsible. It is they who must be made to pay for the war….
This time Germany has forced a TOTAL WAR upon the world. As a result, she must be prepared to pay a TOTAL PENALTY.
And there is one, and only one, such Total Penalty: Germany must perish forever!
In fact – not in fancy!
Kaufman then goes on to rationalize his argument and to convince readers that he is both a reasonable and a compassionate man. He even allows that there may be a few decent Germans among the wicked majority. But, he cautions, the German bloodlust comes “from the very depths of the German national soul,” and so even if we spare only innocent Germans from the current generation, they will inevitably give birth to a new generation of wicked Germans, who will unleash another murderous war on the world, and millions of innocent non-Germans will perish. Is it not those millions who deserve our sympathy, rather than a few Germans?
Kaufman gives his readers a few chapters of spurious German history sprinkled with doctored quotes from Friedrich Nietzsche and Heinrich von Treitschke to demonstrate the hopeless depravity of the Germans down through the ages and to prove that a single thought has always preoccupied the German mind: “to rule the world, or, failing that, to annihilate it! And so long as the German nation exists it intends, in one form or another, now or later, to bring about just such a catastrophe.”
He concludes, with feigned reluctance, that the only way to make the world safe is to kill all of the Germans. He states this conclusion, in different words, 30 or 40 times throughout the book, just so the densest goyische reader will get the message: “… [T]he goal of world-dominion must be removed from the reach of the German and the only way to accomplish that is to remove the German from the world!” “They are but beasts; they must be dealt with as such.” “There remains then but one mode of ridding the world forever of Germanism – and that is to stem the source from which issue those war-lusted souls, by preventing the people of Germany from ever again reproducing their kind.” And so on.
Every few pages, between bouts of shrieking for the American goyim to go forth and slaughter the German goyim, this hate-crazed Jew stops jumping up and down and goes into a hand-wringing act, becoming for a moment a tender-hearted Jew whose basic goodness and humanitarianism rebel at the necessity of genocide. But only for a moment. It is a crude and transparent act, but not much cruder or more transparent than the television propaganda of the present.
Kaufman winds up his book with a few calculations. He figures that all the German soldiers who have not been killed in the fighting before their government surrenders unconditionally can be sterilized in less than a month by a team of 20,000 surgeons, each of whom will perform an average of 25 sterilizations per day. The civilian population can then be dealt with in a more leisurely manner, over a period of several months.
After everyone, male and female, has been sterilized, the publication of all printed materials in the German language will be forbidden; the Germans will then be divided up into slave-labor battalions and marched off to work for the democratic and communist victors, where they will be compelled to learn and use the language of their new masters; German land will be portioned out to the various Allies (Kaufman even provides a map to show who will get what); and, with a “normal death rate of 2 per cent per annum, German life will diminish at the rate of 1,500,000 yearly. Accordingly in the span of two generations that which cost millions of lives and centuries of useless effort, namely, the elimination of Germanism and its carriers, will have been an accomplished fact.”
And what about those Americans who do not share his enthusiasm for launching a genocidal crusade against the Germans? There were a number of such people in 1941, among them aviation hero Charles Lindbergh, who was traveling around the country and speaking on behalf of the America First Committee, doing his best to counter the poisonous propaganda of Kaufman and the other Jews.
Kaufman denounces these people as “spineless jellyfish” and “fifth columnists, who must, in war time, be summarily dispatched.”3
Kaufman’s bloodthirsty ravings have been worth quoting, because they are so explicit in their murderousness. Most Jewish propagandists were not as mathematically detailed in their call for the extermination of the Germans, but their writing dripped with exactly the same Semitic hatred. Ben Hecht was a Hollywood scriptwriter, one of the most successful of his tribe4. He had much more than the customary Jewish cleverness with words; he could even be subtle. But in 1944 Hecht wrote a book5 about Germans, in which he said:
…[A] cancer flourishes in the body of the world and in its mind and soul and … the cancerous thing is Germany, Germanism, and Germans….
I am not interested in the Germans as musicians or scientists because you do not have to be a German to be either. To be a murderer, bold and gleeful, you have to be a German … I read in the fatness of their necks the mark of the murderer. I read in their watery eyes, their faded skins, their legs without feet, and their thick jaws, the fulfillment of a crime and the promise of another….
The German hates democracy because he does not like himself. He has only one political ideal. It is based on his fat neck, his watery eyes, and his faded skin…. He dreads initiative as if it were a pox and he blubbers like a lost child if called on to depend for himself. “Submission, conformity, whether public or private, are German virtues,” wrote Nietzsche. This backwardness, this underdevelopment of ego, make the Germans enemies, not only of the Jew, but of the form of life which Jewish egoism has helped create – democracy. Democracy is to the German a truly evil thing since it robs him of his profession as a servant….
He is a pure murderer. The thought of killing defenseless people brings a glow into his fat German neck….
It is by murder that the German reduces the world fleetingly to his own measure, appeases his lack of ego, makes his bid as an artist (a strong man) asserts his crudity over the finesse of human manners to which he is an unhappy stranger. Murder is his only escape from his damnable subservience. It is the only deed open to slaves. It is the only strength possible to the docile and frightened mind….
Unlike all other murderers, they are proud of their crimes. There are no eyes of others to stare them out of countenance. Around them are only German eyes, the eyes of German thinkers, philosophers, businessmen, leaders, scientists. The understanding of murder, the belief in murder, the need for murder are all in these eyes. Wherever the little German burgher looks as he wipes his hands of murder he sees only murderers like himself – a city, a country, a tribe, a nation, a history of murderers. He does not have to repudiate his crime. He does not have to shudder at its abnormality. He is normal….
The Germans outraged me because they are murderers, foul and wanton, and because they are fools such as gibber at a roadside, with spittle running from their mouths. They outraged me because they raised their little pig eyes to their betters and sought to grunt and claw their way to the mastery of men…
That this most clumsy and backward of all human tribes – this leaden-hearted German – should dare to pronounce judgment on his superiors, dare to outlaw from the world the name of Jew – a name that dwarfs him as the tree does the weed at its foot – is an outrageous thing…. It is an evil thing for the world that there remains in it a tribe that has only one dream – to cut the wings of others.
And so on, for 276 hate-filled, self-righteous pages – except that between his spells of commentary on the Germans’ fat necks, watery eyes, and penchant for murdering their betters, Hecht uses his script-writer’s imagination to work up various “Holocaust” scenarios. Here is an example:
The German governor of Warsaw was decorated and promoted to a general for thinking up the idea of the lime kiln freight cars. Each freight car was equipped with enough lime to eat up 200 Jews. By the time the freight cars arrived at the burial ditches, twenty thousand Jews were dead in them. In addition to being inexpensive and killing Jews, lime possessed another property than endeared it to the Germans discussing these matters at their desks. Lime hurt Jews more than bullets or even fire. It ate their faces off and removed their bellies slowly.6
Seven pages later Hecht reports that 7,000 Jews were murdered by Germans by being made to lie down on a road so that they could be “run over by heavy motor lorries (this money-saving device was thought up by a German general in Romania).”
Like Kaufman, Hecht expresses his conviction that the only way for the world to be safe is for there to be no Germans in it. The dust jacket of his book has a little jingle on it which he wrote, urging his goyische readers to “Buy War Bonds,” so that just such a German-free world can be brought about by means of TNT and phosphorus.
Realistically, books like Germany Must Perish, A Guide for the Bedevilled, and dozens of others in a similar vein probably played a relatively minor direct role in generating a genocidal fervor among ordinary Americans before and during the war. The average B-17 or B-24 pilot carpet-bombing residential areas in German cities, the P-47 or P-51 pilot strafing civilian refugee columns along German roads probably hadn’t read any of them. Instead he absorbed most of his Jewish hate propaganda through more popular media: motion pictures, radio broadcasts, and magazines.
But the books set the pattern and provided the rationale. Kaufman’s mass-sterilization scheme was widely quoted by more influential writers. The grotesque caricature of Germans developed in Hecht’s book was the model he and other Hollywood scriptwriters used in concocting their poisonous films. The “lime kiln freight cars” idea – and a thousand other “Holocaust” inventions – were picked up by the magazine writers and integrated into a whole mythology of German wickedness.
Gradually the threads from the 1930s were drawn together during the 1940s and woven into a fabric of hatred which was used to stifle the thinking of a people. It was only through this Jewish fabric that the average American was permitted to view the world during the 1940s.
And it was the grossly distorted vision thus produced which had American civilians singing along with the clever Jewish radio jingles about “hitting the Heinies” and “kicking the Krauts” at the beginning of the war and which made it seem quite all right for American GI’s to murder German POWs at the end. It was the public mind-set created by this fabric which emboldened Henry Morgenthau Jr. (1891-1967), President Franklin Roosevelt’s Secretary of the Treasury from 1934 to 1945 and one of his principal wartime advisers, to convert Kaufman’s genocidal hate-screed into an official U.S. government policy calling for the liquidation of the German nation.
Like Kaufman, Morgenthau called for dismembering Germany and forcing the German people into slave-labor battalions. He also demanded an end to all German-language publications and the closing of all German schools.
Instead of using forcible sterilization to eliminate the Germans as Kaufman urged, however, Morgenthau planned to accomplish the same thing through starvation. All Germany’s industries were to be dismantled completely; her mines – including coal mines – were to be sealed permanently; and her people were to be herded into an area about half the size of prewar Germany – essentially a large concentration camp – and isolated from the world. And then they were to be left to starve.
Morgenthau stipulated that the Allied armies of occupation were to give them no assistance whatever: “The Allied Military Government shall not assume responsibility for such economic problems as price controls, rationing, unemployment, production, reconstruction, distribution, consumption, housing or transportation, or take any measures designed to maintain or strengthen the German economy, except those which are essential to military operations. The responsibility for sustaining the German economy and people rests with the German people with such facilities as may be available under the circumstances.”7
Stripped of her mines, her factories, and nearly half of her farmland, and denied the food imports which had been a necessity even before the war, those “facilities” would be sufficient for Germany to maintain a population of perhaps 30 million persons at a bare subsistence level – which implied that 50 million must starve to death.
Morgenthau presented this policy – which came to be known as the “Morgenthau Plan” – at the 1944 Quebec Conference (September 11-16) between Roosevelt and Churchill. Even Churchill, one of the most irresponsible political leaders of modern times, was appalled by what he called “this cruel, un-Christian” plan.
History has no record of this little Jew’s response to having his scheme denounced as “un-Christian,” but it does note that the British prime minister was eventually persuaded to drop his objections when Morgenthau offered him a bribe in the form of a $6.5 billion loan from the U.S. Treasury.
Secretary of State Cordell Hull (1871-1955) and Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson (1867-1950), both of whom were intensely anti-German, also objected vehemently to the Morgenthau Plan. Stimson told Roosevelt that the Morgenthau Plan would reduce not only Germany but all of Europe to chaos. “It would be a crime against civilization itself,” he said.
Morgenthau was able to out-maneuver Stimson, however, by using Jews in the War Department as his secret agents. One of them in particular, Colonel David Marcus, kept Morgenthau informed of Stimson’s plans.
Another, Colonel Bernard Bernstein, on the SHAEF staff, intercepted the draft copy of the War Department directive (JCS 1067) to Elsenhower which specified the policies to be followed by the Allied occupation forces in Germany and sent a copy to Morgenthau. The latter immediately complained to Roosevelt that the Army was planning to be too soft on Germany. Eventually Morgenthau was able to force a revision of JCS 1067, so that the final version incorporated major features of his plan.
Hull was furious when he discovered that Morgenthau had persuaded Roosevelt to adopt the plan. In his memoirs Hull wrote of little Jew’s arrogant meddling generally and his eagerness to advance Jewish interests at the expense of American interests:
… Despite the fact that … [Morgenthau] was not at all fully or accurately informed on a number of questions of foreign policy with which he undertook to interfere, we found from his earliest days in the Government that he seldom lost an opportunity to take long steps across the line of State Department jurisdiction. Emotionally upset by Hitler’s rise and his persecution of the Jews, he often sought to induce the President to anticipate the State Department or act contrary to our better judgment. We sometimes found him conducting negotiations with foreign Governments which were the function of the State Department. His work in drawing up a catastrophic plan for the postwar treatment of Germany, and inducing the President to accept it without consulting with the State Department, was an outstanding instance of this interference.8
Later in his memoirs Hull described Morgenthau’s scheme as “a plan of blind vengeance.”9 He went on to write of his personal reaction to it:
This whole development at Quebec, I believe, angered me as much as anything that had happened during my career as Secretary of State. If the Morgenthau plan leaked out, as it inevitably would – and shortly did – it might well mean a bitter-end German resistance that could cause the loss of thousands of American lives.10
American lives, of course, meant nothing to Morgenthau and his fellow Jews, nor were they concerned about the postwar reconstruction of Europe. Their primary concern was to maintain their control over Roosevelt and not let him be swayed by Hull and the other State Department “fascists” (as Morgenthau referred in his diaries to everyone who opposed his plan for Germany). In this they were entirely successful.
Roosevelt had been worried in September and October 1944, during his campaign for a fourth term in the White House, that the American public might react unfavorably to the Morgenthau Plan and that his re-election might be endangered thereby. Because of this he had remained somewhat equivocal in his attitude. The controlled media, however, kept public opinion firmly in line, and after the election Roosevelt gave his full backing to the scheme. Morgenthau noted gleefully in his diary entry for March 20, 1945, that during a meeting with Roosevelt that day the President’s son-in-law, Major John Boettiger, who was also present, had objected to the Morgenthau Plan, saying. “You don’t want the Germans to starve,” and Roosevelt had answered, “Why not?”
Roosevelt died just three weeks later, and the new President, Harry Truman, who did not have quite as strong a stomach for Jews as his predecessor, put a quick end to Morgenthau’s meddling in non-Treasury matters. He dropped Morgenthau from his cabinet altogether in July 1945. Nevertheless, the Morgenthau Plan was not repudiated by the U.S. government until 1947, and meanwhile the Jews continued to push for its full implementation.
Few Americans were bold enough to buck the climate of hatred against Germany which the Jews had spent 12 years generating. What finally halted the punitive demolition of German factories, cutting down of German forests, flooding and sealing of German mines, and other moves intended to prevent permanently any German economic recovery was no awakening of White racial consciousness or rejection of Jewish hate propaganda, but American fear of Soviet expansion.11
The Germans were not the only victims of the Jews’ Second World War hate campaign, although they suffered the most from it. The Jews used the war to kill off their enemies wherever they could, and the moral climate of the war aided this purpose in two ways: first, it justified the most unspeakable crimes, so long as they were committed against “fascists,” German or otherwise; and it established the Jews as a special class of victims, who had already suffered so much, poor dears, that whatever they did henceforth was to be forgiven by the Gentiles.
In France American forces began displacing the German Army in the late summer of 1944. Wherever the Americans took over, horrible massacres of French civilians were carried out by the “Resistance” – massacres with which American troops were under orders from Washington not to interfere, and in which the news media displayed an amazing lack of interest. An English journalist who spent the war in France and was an eyewitness to many of the events he later described, wrote:12
There has never been, in the history of France, a bloodier period than that which followed the Liberation of 1944-1945. The massacres of 1944 were no less savage than the massacres of the Jacquerie, of St. Bartholomew, of the Revolutionary Terror, of the Commune; and they were certainly more numerous and on a wider scale….
It is estimated that 20,000 persons lost their lives under the reign of Terror; that 18,000 fell in the frightful butchery that followed the war and insurrection of 1870-1871. The American services put the figures of “summary executions” in France in the first months of the Liberation at 80,000. A former French minister [Adrien Tixier] later placed the figure at 105,000.
The armed gangs which committed these murders consisted not only of Jews, of course, but also of Gentiles: Communists, Gaullist reactionaries, and common criminals. But the propaganda which motivated them and which had been broadcast from French Algeria since its capitulation to the Allies in November 1942 was Jewish in inspiration. The policy of giving the murder gangs free rein was also Jewish, and it came directly from Washington. For as long as France was under the control of Allied troops, General Elsenhower was responsible for the maintenance of law and order there. But the only law under Eisenhower, from the time the German Wehrmacht withdrew until a new French government was established, was the law of Jewish vengeance.
And in Germany GI’s laughed as they watched starving German children rummage for scraps of food in the garbage behind U.S. Army mess halls – garbage which sometimes was laced with soap powder as a “joke.” The GI’s could purchase sexual favors from the mothers of those children for a chocolate bar or a can of condensed milk.
Morgenthau’s policies, rigorously enforced by Eisenhower, resulted in a German civilian population so malnourished that 92 out of every 100 German babies born in the summer of 1945 died within 10 days.
Jewish “commandos” in U.S. Army uniforms went on murder rampages in Berlin and other occupied cities. Equipped with captured lists of the home addresses of SS officers, National Socialist political leaders, writers, artists, and others who had participated in alerting pre-war Germany to the Jewish menace or in breaking the Jewish grip on German life, they went out night after night, unhindered by the military occupation authorities, to torture, rape, kill, and loot.
Even so, the barbarities which the hate-conditioned Americans perpetrated – or permitted others to perpetrate without interference – were almost civilized beside the atrocities committed on the Germans by America’s Soviet allies. More than two million German civilians were killed after the war, in 1945 and 1946, during the expulsion of the German population from the parts of Germany which Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill had agreed would be taken from her and given to other countries.13
Eventually, of course, the exigencies of international power politics – in particular, of the developing “Cold War” – thwarted those whose aim was the annihilation of the German people. But the Jews had nevertheless made great gains for themselves by the war – and the greatest of these was not the killing off of their enemies in Europe; it was what they had done to America.
In mobilizing America to crush Hitler for them, the Jews had been forced to marshal their own resources as never before. By the end of the war their control of American public opinion was virtually total. Through their news and entertainment media, the Jews could set fashion trends and change attitudes; they could introduce fads and shift mores; they could bring forth a great burst of public indignation against a new piece of legislation or a court ruling or a governmental policy, or they could squelch incipient opposition to it; they could make an idea or a man seem either noble or perfidious; they could fan the flames of war hysteria and jingoism, or they could promote pacifism; they could change embarrassing historical facts into “myths” and inconvenient documents into “forgeries”; or they could proclaim the most infamous lie as “truth” and get most of the people to swallow it whole.
The Jews had used this power to make Americans their accomplices in the greatest crime of which history has any record. And once they became accomplices, Americans thenceforth were obliged either to justify their collaboration with the Jews or to admit to murder.
Thus, while the Jews had had to work very hard to get Americans into the mood to commit genocide on their German kinsmen in the first place, after the war it was relatively easy to keep the same Americans convinced that their cause had been a good one. Not only were the Jews’ means of persuasion stronger, but Americans were readier than ever to be persuaded; they wanted to believe in the perfidy of the people they had killed and in the iniquity of the ideals and beliefs those people had held.
Americans were morally disarmed when Jews began pushing forward their programs of racial “equality,” feminism, homosexual “rights,” unrestricted immigration, and the rest of the postwar programs designed to break down what was left of Americans’ racial consciousness and sense of racial pride – all programs which Hitler clearly would have opposed, and which, therefore, no right-thinking American could.
And for the same reason it was easy for the Jews to sell the American people on their version of the “Holocaust”: the more blameless the Jews were and the more atrociously they had been victimized by the wicked Germans, the more justified the Americans had been in killing the Germans – and in sacrificing so many of their own lives doing it.
Americans have been so ready to swallow the “Holocaust” story, in fact, that even today nearly every American schoolchild can parrot back the answer “six million,” when asked how many Jews allegedly perished in the Second World War; but not one citizen in 100 knows how many Americans – their own fathers and grandfathers – died from saving the rest of the Jews from Hitler.
1 This is the fourth article in a five-part series on the subject. The first part, beginning with biblical times, appeared in the December 1982 issue of National Vanguard.
2 Germany Must Perish, Theodore N. Kaufman, Argyle Press (Newark, NJ), 1941.
3 It is unfortunate that Kaufman’s suggestion that anti-war activists be “summarily dispatched” was not acted on during the Vietnam war, when Jewish “fifth columnists” were organizing anti-American demonstrations on every American college campus!
The difference in the Jewish attitudes toward dissenters in the two wars is revealing: During the Second World War every Jew was a “patriot,” and anyone who did not want to kill Germans was subjected to such scorn by the controlled media that he was in danger of being killed himself, by a media-incited lynch mob. During the Vietnam war, where Jewish interests were not at stake, even those elements in the media which did not take an active stand against the war were overflowing with concern for the civil rights of those who did.
4 Ben Hecht (1893-1964) wrote the scripts for 53 motion pictures between 1927 and 1964, including the books on which 23 of the films were based. He directed eight pictures and produced nine. Among his better-known films were Wuthering Heights (1939), Spellbound (1945), and Notorious (1946). He won Academy Awards for writing Underworld (1927) and The Scoundrel (1935).
5 A Guide for the Bedevilled, Ben Hecht, Charles Scribner’s Sons (New York), 1944.
6 Ibid., p. 142.
7 Germany Is Our Problem: A Plan for Germany. Henry Morgenthau Jr., Harper & Brothers (New York), 1945, p. vii.
8 The Memoirs of Cordell Hull, Macmillan Co. (New York), 1948, pp. 207-208.
9 Ibid., p. 1614.
10 Ibid., p. 1614.
11 One American who did challenge Jewish policies in postwar Germany was George S. Patton, who, after establishing a wartime reputation as the “fightingest” general in the U.S. Army, had become military governor of the larger portion of the U.S. occupation zone of Germany. Patton was appalled by the policies he was expected to apply against the Germans, and he spoke out repeatedly against the Morgenthau Plan.
His diaries, published in 1974 (The Patton Papers, Houghton Mifflin Co.), reveal his feelings. In September 1945, for example, when ordered to evict German families from their homes and turn the buildings over to Jews, Patton commented in his diary: “Evidently the virus started by Morgenthau and Baruch of a Semitic revenge against all Germans is still working.” The same month he wrote to his wife: “I am frankly opposed to this war-criminal stuff. It is not cricket and is Semitic. I am also opposed to sending POW’s to work as slaves in foreign lands, where many will be starved to death.” In another letter to his wife he wrote: “If what we are doing [to the Germans] is ‘Liberty, then give me death.’ I can’t see how Americans can sink so low. It is Semitic, and I am sure of it.”
The controlled media began attacking Patton as “pro-Nazi” and set up a howl for his replacement by someone who would enforce the policies of the Morgenthau Plan. The U.S. commander-in-chief, General Dwight Eisenhower, already had political ambitions and he obliged the Jews by firing Patton.
12 France: The Tragic Years, 1939-1947, Sisley Huddleston, Devin-Adair (New York), 1955, pp. 296, 299.
13 The atrocities committed in territories not under American control might be considered irrelevant to the primary subject of this series – the history of the growth of Jewish influence on American policy – except that they were made possible by the overall American war policy. Because most of them occurred behind what later came to be known as “the Iron Curtain,” Western journalists and historians may offer the excuse that information about them has been restricted. Nevertheless, the information has long been available. There is, for example, the two-volume work by Juergen Thorwald, Es Begann an der Weichsel and Das Ende an der Elbe (a condensed English edition, published in 1951 by Pantheon Books, is titled Flight in the Winter), which describes in sickening detail the horrible fate of the German refugees fleeing the Red Army in 1945. Many of the gruesome atrocities committed on those who failed to flee are detailed in Johannes Kaps’s Tragedy of Silesia, 1945-46 (Christ Unterwegs, Munich, 1952).
From National Vanguard magazine (August, 1983)